While the impact of Gukurahundi on the region can not be disputed, it is however Perhaps a broader question to keep in mind is the place of the Grand Plan in Gukurahundi, that is to say, was Gukurahundi an outcome of .. Download pdf. Download full-text PDF. development 1 For a detailed account of media coverage of Gukurahundi see Stiﬀ (). 2 See especially a. Gukurahundi () and the politics of blame and denial. Download full- text PDF GUKURAHUNDI () AND THE POLITICS.
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Zimbabwe, s, ZANU, ZIPRA, Matabele, Bulawayo, Rhodesia, murder, torture, dissidents, Fifth Brigade, North Korea, Robert Mugabe, Joshua Nkomo, Zimbabwe African National Union, Shona, Perence Shiri, ZANLA, ZAPU. During the Rhodesian Bush War two rival nationalist parties, Robert. 5 Brigade mobilisation — "Gukurahundi". a) The commissioning of 5 Brigade . .. b) The training of 5 Brigade —- –82 c) Early 5 Brigade exercises. ( 2) Downloaded from tvnovellas.info at University of Zimbabwe on June 1, Ncube and Siziba 3 Moreover, artistic representations of Gukurahundi.
English Gukurahundi is a Shona language term which loosely translates to, "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains". In Zimbabwe, it has particular reference to an operation carried out by the national army's Fifth Brigade between and whereby suspected anti-government elements among the Ndebele community were identified and eliminated. ZANU then defined Gukurahundi as an ideological strategy aimed at carrying the war into major settlements and individual homesteads. Following Mugabe's ascension to power, his government remained threatened by "dissidents", disgruntled former guerrillas and supporters of ZAPU. In January , a crackdown by the elite Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland North was initiated to purge the dissidents. Seizure or detention by the Fifth Brigade was arbitrary.
ZAPU was supporting a new dissident war to improve its position in Zimbabwe. Quoted in part: The documents point to internal killings neither provoked nor sustained by outsiders, suggesting that the atrocities were driven from the top by Zanu-PF in pursuit of specific political objectives.
Viewed across a period of several years, the documents appear to provide evidence that the massacres were but one component of a sustained and strategic effort to remove all political opposition within five years of independence. Zanu-PF leaders were determined to secure a "victory" against a non-existent opposition in elections scheduled for , after which there would be a "mandate" from the people to impose a one-party state.
ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and the Zimbabwean National army units had to come in to stop the fighting. However, the treason trial in involving Dumiso Dabengwa , Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were re-detained without trial for four years.
They did this out of necessity to stay alive.
With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. They were no longer trusted and were being constantly harassed. However, Joshua Nkomo publicly disowned the deserted soldiers and thus discouraged any others from leaving the army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents.
The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September , when Minister Sekeramayi announced training was complete.
The Fifth Brigade was different from all other Zimbabwean army units in that it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister office, and not integrated to the normal army command structures. He was killed on January 22, in Tsholotsho, according to the report. The report shows most of the people were killed for political and ethnic reasons through brutal attacks, bayonetting and gunshots, including pregnant women, children and the elderly.
Mugabe had at the meeting with NGOs asked the humanitarian organisations to submit a report on the violence and killings for him to investigate the issue. The NGOs enclosed the dossier in a letter to him written on March 18, — exactly 16 days after the meeting. The shocking revelations forced Mugabe to appoint the Chihambakwe Commission to investigate the Gukurahundi massacres in which an estimated 20 people were eventually killed.
The resultant report was not made public. Effort to secure its release have been vigorously resisted by authorities. Mugabe has over the years wavered between hesitant admission and weak denial of responsibility and the magnitude of the killings, amid growing evidence and proof of the massacres. However, one of the central characters in the deadly civil strife drama, former Zipra intelligence supremo Dumiso Dabengwa, fiercely hit back at Mugabe, charging that he orchestrated the bloodbath.
Mugabe also specifically blamed the killings on President Emmerson Mnangagwa — who toppled him through a military coup last November — and the security forces. Mnangagwa has, however, been at pains to deny responsibility, saying he was only in charge of intelligence operations during the massacres — effectively blaming Mugabe who was the commander-in-chief.
Mnangagwa is still haunted by the ghosts of the killings. Under pressure, he has appointed a National Peace and Reconciliation Commission panel to investigate the atrocities, regarded in some circles as genocide.
However, critics say the probe will be a whitewash and would gloss over the truth as the President and his allies are implicated. They said their information was verifiable.
The dossier is enclosed with this letter. Soldiers indiscriminately attacked civilians they accused of feeding or harbouring dissidents, mainly army deserters who had escaped persecution in the military, as they unleashed a wave of terror never witnessed in the region. So brutal was the operation that in a short space of time, hundreds of people had been killed and thousands others injured and displaced. Many people had to flee their homes, some going as far as Botswana and South Africa fleeing in terror.
Public executions and arbitrary killings were commonplace; while corpses were eaten away by dogs and maggots feasted on badly injured people who stayed in bushes having fled the marauding troops.
A disturbing incident of a women being executed with bayonets was also reported. Young and able-bodied men fled their rural homes for urban areas or across the borders. Others were killed. All this meant that a lot of families were left without breadwinners, which compromised their future. Children stopped attending school and some never went back after the violence.
Those that suffered severe physical injuries were left unable to work in their fields and were forced to depend on the goodwill of family and neighbours for survival CCJP People from Matabeleland complain bitterly about economic marginalization.
They perceive that they are being deliberately discriminated against when it comes to the sharing of the national cake. They see their region as lagging behind others in every aspect of developmental progress. People point out that there seems to be an unwritten law that people belonging to the Ndebele-speaking group have to be disadvantaged on all fronts. For instance, the dominance of the Shona-speaking people in all spheres of life in Matabeleland is often cited as clear examples of marginalisation.
While it is difficult to verify the authorship and authenticity of these documents, it is equally difficult to deny that what has happened so far and continues to happen, is accurately reflected in these documents.
As the review document reveals, the plan seems to be working well because every senior position in government offices, from the police to the state owned entities, is headed by a Shona-speaking person, even in the most remote parts of Matabeleland. However, this complaint is often dismissed as bitterness as a result of the s Ndlovu- Gatsheni nd: Psychological and Physiological Injuries The unprecedented violence of the s left people with emotional wounds and physical injuries. Those that were beaten by the 5th Brigade and are still alive carry permanent disabilities, such as partial lameness, paralysis, deafness, recurring backaches and headaches, impotence, infertility and kidney damage CCJP Emotional scars and bad memories of the violence of the s are also some of the effects of Gukurahundi.
According to the Breaking the Silence report, large numbers of the people in Tsholotsho showed signs of some degree of psychological trauma, leading to recurring depression, dizzy spells, anxiety, anger or permanent fear and distrust of government officials.
Some children were left without one or both parents and with the trauma of having witnessed extreme violence done to those they loved.
Some people do not know the whereabouts of their family members who have disappeared. Communities were left with the trauma of having seen their loved ones and neighbours humiliated, beaten and killed CCJP Children of rape Rape during times of violence is a form of torture.
However Gukurahundi rapes have been viewed differently. By contrast, rapes committed by the ZNA soldiers or dissidents were seen simply as an abuse of power, unlike those of the 5th Brigade Alexander et al This has created a group of people who are stigmatised and sometimes ostracised by their families.
Some of their names serve as reminders of their unpleasant conception and memories of what happened to their mothers. Apart from the stigma they carry, there is the whole issue of identity crisis.
It is impossible for most of these people to ever know who their fathers might have been. Its hard enough in a situation where it is only one person who raped, because tracing that person is very difficult if not impossible, how much more 10? Most of these children carry both name and surname which are not part of their identity.
As a result, some feel lost spiritually as well. In the African belief system there comes a time when one needs to confer with the spirits of their ancestors when things are not going well. Stateless citizens There are some people who have failed to acquire identity documents because one or both of their parents were killed but there are no death certificates to prove this. So we have stateless individuals who cannot access their rights to service delivery and other rights due to them as citizens of Zimbabwe.
Most of these are in their 30s and they have children of their own facing the same problem and therefore cannot finish school or go beyond grade 7, since a birth certificate is required for this.