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Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Svevo's real name was, as was Slataper's, a perfect Triestine mix: What race or language if we except those few which a humorous will seems to have preserved in ice, such as the people of Iceland can nowadays claim to be pure? Both authors highlight, in particular, Bloom's distinct set of beliefs and ideas about nations and national belonging.
Central to them was the belief in freedom and the rejection of nationality'' , page A nation is the same people living in the same place. As we noted in our discussion above, Italian irredentism was, in fact, something very different in the Trieste of the early s, and Joyce was undoubtedly influenced by its particular inflections in elaborating his own ideas on nationhood and belonging.
Rather, as scholars such as Cattaruzza have argued, these ideologies were mutually forged and mutually reinforcing within the founding myths of the city in the early s: This new urban class established its identity precisely through the adoption of a new lingua franca. The process of cultural integration that occurs through the adoption of the dialect is indeed quite unique, reflecting the specificity of Triestine capitalism: Beyond its utility within the broader geopolitical imaginations of Italian irredentism, this newly assigned role also reflects changing political and economic conditions in the city and conveniently plays on the fears of many members of Trieste's Italian bourgeoisie who see their role challenged by the emergence of a growing Slovenian middle class, whose economic as well as political weight is becoming a serious concern see Minca, a.
Although they remain a minority in the city, Trieste's Italian irredentists are a very vocal and influential group; their preoccupations soon crystallise into the representation of Trieste as an Italian island surrounded by Slavic territory Cattaruzza, ; Verginella, From on, Trieste and the border progressively become one and the same thing in the thoughts of the statesmen who decide its fate: Trieste cannot, does not, will never turn her back on her sea'' Benito Mussolini, , cited in Cattaruzza, , page Of course, in socialism this question would not be an issue.
But we are currently in the phase of a war of national liberation, and thus we need to approach this problem as a capitalist society would'' Yugoslav Communist leader Edvard Kardelj in a letter to Tito, , cited in Cattaruzza, , page Germain see Pupo, , page 18; also Sluga It is a divide, as Pupo argues, between two radically distinct conceptions of the nation itself: The Special Tribunals for the Defence of the State instituted in those years by the Fascist regime bring before them countless political and intellectual leaders from Trieste's and its surroundings Slovenian community.
Verginella also writes, however, of the complete sense of spaesamento, of disori- entation, felt by the Triestine Slovenians who fled Fascist Italy and settled in Ljubljana. An emblematic figure in this regard is Slovenian novelist Boris Pahor. Pahor, one of the leading figures of the contemporary Slovenian literary scene, was born and grew up in Trieste. In he was deported by the Nazi occupying forces as an enemy partisan and interned first in the Natzweiler-Struthof concentration camp and subsequently in Dachau and Bergen-Belsen.
As De Castro masterfully argues, albeit maintaining Trieste in the sphere of Western control and eventually restoring the city to full Italian rule , the period of international administra- tion creates a long-lasting political and cultural limbo. For almost ten years, the city and its inhabitants are suspended between two radically different worlds, belonging to no state, with no control over their destiny, at the mercy of the vagaries of inter- national geopolitics for an account of these years, see Ballinger, a; Dinardo, ; Rabel, ; Sluga, The border in those years is permanently in motion: As both De Castro and Valdevit highlight in their reconstruction of those years, the personal biographies of all those who lived through this period are forever marked by this pervasive sense of uncertainty.
At the same time, the nationalist fervour that for decades had gripped the city and that had made the question of the border the defining focus for Triestine Italian and Slovenian political mobilisation now appears almost absurd, for Trieste's destiny lies entirely in the hands of others.
Trieste's symbolic role is not limited to its role in the geopolitical imaginary of an Atlantic Europe, however. This disjuncture is an important one.
Within just a few years, Trieste is thus symbolically repositioned in the international geopolitical imag- inary: Forced as it is by the hands of others, the formal delimitation of the border in though experienced with a sense of profound injustice by many on both sides of the border does not give rise to new tensions. Quite the opposite is true. The fixity of the border, paradoxically, serves to pacify the political situation in the city. Already from the s on, the Istrian peninsula becomes a weekly destination for countless Triestini in search of cheap petrol, fruit, vegetables, and meat.
In the s the tourist development of many parts of the Yugoslav coastline encourages intense cross-border flows, with no parallel in any other part of the Iron Curtain. The Triestini do not only travel across the border during vacation periods, however: On the other hand, the city also draws to it countless Slovenians, many who come as day- labourers or simply to download products difficult to obtain at home for an analysis of some of these cross-border flows see Battisti, ; Bufon, ; Valussi, Arriving on buses from across the country, the Yugoslav visitors crowd the city's shops every weekend, with numbers reaching on occasion.
The signing of the Treaty of 16 For a recent appraisal of such flows, see Minca et al As Cattaruzza argues, the city's rebellion against the signing of the Treaty is, in many ways, a mark of something much greater: This included records of ship movements as well as important documentary evidence of the migration phenomenon provided by the local newspapers during those cmcial years. Such evidence has been instrumental, together with the oral histories, in documenting the reality that is not always found in public records, helping to provide a view of events that led to migration from the view point of the general public and the immigrants themselves.
Other records viewed and analysed in Australia have included minute books and annual reports of past and present associations where available. Personal records and papers of individual migrants were also viewed and the archives of the local Italo-Australian newspapers were consulted for the purpose of finding historical evidence of community activities. Archival searches in Australia also led to the use of the 'Ships nominal rolls of passengers' which lists port of departure, place and date of birth as well as the occupation of the passenger as a source of information with regard to the number and the demographic characteristics of migrants from Trieste.
Photographic imagery and locally produced material complements the oral history interviews and 'field work observations' and brings together important historical documentation relating to Melboume's Triestine community, which provides not only evidence of particular activities but also reflects the character and identity of the community.
Locally produced material has included newsletters produced by existing and defunct Triestine associations as well as literary output by members of the community—which includes material in the form of prose and poetry written, over the years, both in dialect and Italian.
The use of a combination of these qualitative research methodologies has resulted in a very particularised account of the Triestine immigrant experience. It is essentially a modem city that has developed only in the course of the past two centuries, and it possesses a unique economic, social and political character. Forming since part of the 'Autonomous Region of Friuli Venezia Giulia', Trieste at the end of the C20th is Italy's smallest province, in total covering an area of only square kilometres.
In the historical context, Trieste must, however, be referred to as part of the former 'Venezia Giulia Region Julian Region '-a region defined as the territory between the Italo-Austrian border of and subsequently as the Italo-Yugoslav frontier of following the Rapallo Treaty. This was an area of 8, square kilometres which comprised all of Istria now part of the former Yugoslavia and the Carso or Karst plateau, including the smaller urban centres of Pola Pula , Fiume Rijeka and Gorizia.
Contested during both world wars, Trieste has been since the CI9th a setting for conflict between opposing national and political ideologies. This conflict culminated in the struggle for Trieste and surrounding territories after World War II and it was the events that took place after the war that led to the establishment of a mass migratory flow from the Julian region to Australia.
The significance of this flow was that-unlike the then neighbouring province of Friuli—Trieste had until that time no tradition of migration. As a natural crossroads between the Italian peninsula, the Balkans, and central Europe, the geographical setting of the Julian Region has had both strategic and economic implications. For two thousand years ownership of the region had been contested frequently because of its importance both as a strategic frontier zone and as the most convenient 'northern' outlet to the sea.
It became, consequently, an area of thoroughfare where conflict between rival expansionist forces resulted in frequent changes in sovereignty. Subjected to various invasions by Byzantines, Goths, Huns, Ostrogoths, Lombards, Avars and Slavs, the area was then broken up into various autonomous municipalities, the rulers of which were in constant conflict.
As a result of this constant intrigue, the independent municipalities eventually sought the protection of either the Austrian Duchy or of the Venetian Republic, and in the independent municipality of Trieste opted for the protection of Austria while the area along the Istrian coast preferred Venetian rule this Venetian connection is visible in the architecmre and the townscape in this area.
The whole Julian Region, as such, became the focal point of rivalry between the Venetian Republic and the Hapsburg Empire and clashes between the two powers continued repeatedly until the Hapsburgs dislodged the Venetians from the Istrian coast. Except for a relatively brief period of French rule during the Napoleonic era - , Trieste remained under the control of the HapsbtKg Empire until World War I years in all , when the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire saw the Julian area and the city of Trieste annexed to Italy Borghese Ethnicity in the Julian region, particularly in the city of Trieste, has historically demonstrated a dynamic and complex character.
The Italian ethnic presence in fact originated in Roman times, when Latin culmre permeated Julian cities and influenced the local Celtic peoples. Subsequently, the process of 'Italianisation' was further reinforced in the region by the Venetian influence and presence especially along the Istrian coast , as well as by the migration of Italians, or regnicoli, as they were called, from the Kingdom of Italy.
Trieste thus became the destination for Italian migrants from the Emilia Romagna and Puglia areas, as well for the Friulians, for whom seeking foreign work, as labourers in Trieste, was a traditional part of their survival strategies. However, the Slavic presence in the area has also had a long history of settlement, since the Slavs accompanied the Avars into the region and Slavic migration continued thereafter. Considerable 'mixing' or intermingling of the Slavic and Italian populations consequently occurred, as the Julian historian, Angelo Vivante Si crede che Uitalianita' e slavismo nella Giulia siano due termini ben definiti e rigidamente antitetici Nella Giulia si e' andato lungamente svolgendo un fenomeno demografico spiegabile dall'incrocio di due nazioni Despite the fact that the Slavs, namely the Slovenes, were to remain a group over-represented in the agriculmral sector of economic activity Cattaruzza By , 56, Slovenes lived in the city of Trieste Cattaruzza Moreover, since the urban Slavs were a heterogeneous group that had been recruited from a broad social spectrum which represented all social classes, in the city, a Slavic bourgeoisie class also slowly emerged.
With the establishment of culmral institutions and the organisation of cultural activities, initiated by this bourgeoisie class, the spontaneous assimilation of the Slavs, which had up to that point in time taken place, began to be replaced by a sense of national pride - a pride that was being reinforced by the awaking of nationalist sentiment throughout mid 19th cenmry Europe.
German and Austrian administrators and functionaries had also settled in the larger urban centre of Trieste, and were soon followed by members of the Austrian commercial classes.
Up until the s only German Barons, Counts and government functionaries were generally to be found in the city, but by the s public servants, bankers and commercial entrepreneurs had also made Trieste thek home. While in the beginning this group had constimted a separate ethnic minority or enclave in the city-for unhke the Italians and Slavs in the region they did not become assimilated-with the passage of time many most notably those of Austrian origin did assimilate to Triestine culture.
Borghese The Jews are yet another ethnic group present in the city which must be recognised as having had significant impact on Triestine culmre.
This appears immediately too simple, and essentially unrealistic.. Over a long period of time, in the Julian region, there has been a demographic process taking place which can be explained as the meeting of two nations Other numerically less significant groups present in the city have also included the Greeks, the Armenians and a small number of Hungarians. This long standing ethnic diversity of the Julian region was of no real significance in political terms until nationalism became a major force throughout Europe during the mid-C19th, when the concept that pohtical boundaries should correspond to ethnic groupings plainly created particular problems in areas of mixed ethnic populations.
In this context, the Italians, inspired by the Risorgimento ideal of a unified Italy, were the first to claim the Julian region on ethnic grounds.
However, the impetus behind the aspiration to 'redeem' the Region did not become wholly manifest until , when Italy had gained Venice from the Hapsburgs. The Kingdom of Italy had been formed in when the remainder of the peninsula had become politically unified. As Vivante explained, Trieste possessed: Throughout Italy it had drawn support from the republican Left, which had been inspired by the ideals of democratic nationalism as espoused by Giuseppe Mazzini, and in the Julian region Italian irredentism had subsequently manifested itself largely through culmral organisations sponsored by Triestine intellecmals and the Itahan bourgeoisie in Istria Rabel Unlike the Triestine intellectaals, who did not depend on trade and commerce for a living, the Italian-speaking commercial classes had not favoured inclusion in Italy because they believed Trieste's economic prosperity rested on its favoured position in the Hapsburg Empire.
Many workers in Trieste were also begirming to assume that theu- interests would be better served by an 'internationalist socialist' regime rather than Italian or Yugoslav nationalist one.
Hence, when in the Socialist Party was established, it was to prove yet another barrier for irredentists of nationalist sentiment. This new political force perceived the 'enemy' solely on class terms, and for the Julian working classes, the 'enemy' thus became the local bourgeoisie or the capitalist class rather than the Austrians or the Slavs.
As a result, kredentism in the region became partially neutralised by this new growing socio-political reality. Furthermore, the Triestine Socialist Party had also displayed some rather 'particular' characteristics, as the comments from the Triestine writer and intellecmal, Anita Pittoni It was: Partito che fin dagli inizi si distingue fondalmente dai partiti socialisti degli altri paesi soggetti agli Asburgo per il suo autentico, intransigente spirito internazionalista ed europeistico, e naturalmente repubblicano.
The attempt failed and Oberdan was sentenced to death, but Julian irredentism now had had its martyr, and, as the C20th approached, the Italian nationalist movement in the region increasingly drew its impems from the growing struggle against an emerging Slavic influence.
The Italian Irredentist Movement thus became absorbed into a more exalted and dogmatic form of nationalism, one that subsequently sought to defend the 'Italiarmess' of the area not only against Austrian imperialism, but also against the perceived threat of a newly emerging Slavic consciousness Borghese Nonetheless, from a local perspective the settlement of the Italo-Yugoslav frontier dispute failed to neutralise local ethnic animosity.
Although a non-aggression pact signed with Yugoslavia in was to improve Italo-Yugoslav relations briefly, with the onset of World War II, the Italian and Yugoslav nations were to become direct adversaries, further impassioning irredentist feelings in the Region Borghese With the end of World War II, Trieste was once again the source of international controversy, for one of the direct repercussions of Italian and Yugoslav involvement in the war was the reopening of the Italo- Yugoslav frontier problem.
This factor saw the re-emergence of the particular nationalistic, ideological and economic issues that had troubled the region since the CI 9th, with the added complication that the fate of Trieste was now linked to the outcome of a broader East-West confrontation. Despite the fact that demarcation of the Italo-Yugoslav border in the region was supposedly based on local ethnic and economic considerations, it was, in the final analysis, a compromise in resolving such a confrontation, and a compromise in which Trieste had become a mere pawn.
On 1 May , the city had in fact been occupied by Yugoslavian troops; however, with the fear of Communism beginning to surface and an increasing Italian propaganda demanding the retention of all the Julian region. Allied forces had arrived in Trieste the following day. Facing political pressure from the Allies, Marshal Tito subsequently withdrew his troops after 40 days of occupation, and accepted a new division of the Julian region.
The region was then divided into two zones, named Zone A and Zone B.
With the end of the war an international commission, comprised of foreign ministers from France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States, investigated the possibility of various boundary proposals—and in particular the economic impact that the various proposals would have on Italy.
The Paris negotiations however, failed to yield an agreement and hence a compromise was reached. With this solution to the 'Trieste problem', neither side would thus gain the much disputed territory, and Trieste would become an international free city and port, returning to its historical role of serving central Europe Borghese While the search for a Governor that was deemed as 'suitable' to both eastern and western bloc countries continued Novak, Furthermore, because the situation in Trieste had remained somewhat unstable, AMG officials had also become sceptical of the FTT concept and their continued presence in the area became focussed on containing any Communist influence in the region.
Thus, while they still seemed interested in finding a 'suitable' Governor, there seemed to be no great haste in reaching finality. Cold War tensions worsened in Europe and the 'Trieste problem' was once again brought to the top of the agenda of the international community. Czechoslovakia had been taken over by the Communists, and the US was preparing for the formation of a formal Western Alliance NATO , while in Italy an electoral victory for the Italian Left might have alienated a strategically important nation.
The April elections in Italy, consequently, provided an occasion for re- consideration of the stams of Trieste. With the Tripartite Declaration, in fact, the view that a Free Territory would prove unworkable was put forward and under the circumstances it was proposed that the FTT be retorned to Italy in order to aid democratic forces in the country.
The Governments involved in the 'Trieste negotiations' hence favoured direct Italo-Yugoslav negotiations and this factor alarmed many Italian irredentists. Uncompromising attitudes thus continued to prevail and the 'Trieste question', caught in this web of competing interests, remained unresolved Rabel With another possibility of victory by the Italian Left looming, the 'Trieste problem' was thus once again of major concern to Western powers.
The Italian Govermnent warned that it could not go before the electorate after five years with the 'Trieste problem' still unresolved. Italian ratification of the Emopean Defence Community Agreement was still being awaited by Western powers and the possibility of an election of a Communist-led Government was particularly wortying Rabel As a consequence of this situation, as well as the protests and diplomatic manoeuvres, on 8 October the US and British Governments aimounced that the city of Trieste, together with all of Zone A, would become incorporated into Italy.
Zone B, despite a series of protests, was left in the hands of the former Yugoslavia. The stams of this agreement was however, deemed to be legally temporary LTndipendenza, 15 January The instimtion of the free port in by the Hapsburg Empire, however, marked the beginning of a progressive increase in trade passing through the city: The city consequently established itself as a major Mediterranean port second only to Marseilles , and by the s Trieste was the seventh busiest port in the world.
Hence, economically Trieste developed as a major 'emporium city', with a strucmre based on trade and commercial activity; but the period encompassing the latter part of the CI9th and World War I witnessed a phasing down of entrepreneurial initiatives and the transformation of this mercantile emporium into an increasingly industrialised centre and point of commercial transit rather than trade.
This economic reality was to continue into the s and was to remain a factor tied to the geographical and culmral reality of a hinterland that was bound to the vagaries and whims of political power struggles. The economic success of Trieste consequently constituted a political improbability since any expansion in its sphere of economic influence was invariably impeded by the opposing political ideologies to which the city was subject. After World War I, Trieste came under Italian jurisdiction for the first time, and turmoil prevailed within the stmctures of the Triestine economy: The outcome of the war had also led to a fall in the value of the Austrian currency and a consequent depreciation in bank deposits in Trieste.
This impoverishment of Triestine capital was further aggravated by the fact that Triestine capital investment tended to be concentrated throughout the Austrian Empire rather than in Italy. It was a period of economic stagnation for the city, a recession that the Italian administration had hoped to overcome by focussing on the expansion of industrial production this would be less dependent on an international market. Shipbuilding had already featured as an important industry in the friesline economy since a certain number of ruling class families who had already become involved in shipping had viewed shipbuilding as a logical extension.
As a result, Triestine shipyards had ranked seventh in the world in terms of naval production. However, despite the fact that such basic industrial structures had already been in place in the city, the Italian administration did not provide any further basis for sustained economic growth.
While major Triestine shipbuilding industries, through a process of rationalisation and concentration of capital, had been able to expand, a more general expansion of Triestine industry—one that would ultimately lead to a restructuring of the Triestine economy as a whole- had been dependent on State intervention Apih The Italian Government, however, did not view this course of action favourably, as was made clear by a declaration made by an Italian Minister in ; La zona industriale di Venezia e" quella cosa dove i veneziani hanno speso milioni dei loro denari Ma se But if Many industries consequently failed to compete even on the Italian market and were never to overcome thek initial difficulties.
In determining the border between Yugoslavia and Italy, the Treaty of Rapallo had introduced stability and diminished political tensions, but the Triestine economy nonetheless continued on a downward spiral.
Even shipbuilding, which was perhaps the industry least affected by the economic downmrn, had, by , been forced to retrench 1, employees. Clearly, although had generally been a difficult year throughout Europe, the economic recession in Trieste was symptomatic of the longer-term problems which plagued the city. In this period, in a desperate attempt to re-vitalise the Triestine economy, the ruling class proposed the formation of an 'economic region' comprising the Julian and Friulian territories.
This was an attempt to overcome an inherent sense of campanilismo, or isolationist tendency, which was stifling the fluidity of the Triestine economy; but the Friulian territory, whose economy was still largely agricultural, felt a traditional bond to Venice, where the Triestine proposal was not well received Apih The interaction with the Italian economy had undoubtedly influenced the economic reality of the city: The infrastrucmre of the port was also becoming outdated and, although throughout the s the port remained second only to the port of Genoa in terms of tonnage handled, this masked a basic problem.
In the movement of goods through the port of Trieste totalled 3,, tonnes, while 25 years earlier it had been 3,, tonnes. While quantitatively this decline in the traffic of goods through the port may not appear to be significant, it should be viewed in the context of a population that had increased in size from , in to , in Apih This factor heralded the transformation of conomercial activity in the city and as fewer and fewer goods were actually traded in the city, fewer intermediaries trading conomercial enterprises remained.
Not even the construction of a new rail network that linked the city and port with its new hinterland had been sufficient in helping to boost a languishing economy. In this bleak economic reality only the insurance companies, albeit the strongest and most solidly established ones, were able to maintain thek capital.
In the CI 9th Trieste had boasted 73 insurance companies and, despite the fact that some were destined to disappear, the capital held by Triestine insurance companies totalled a third of all capital held by insiu-ance companies throughout the whole of Italy. The Triestine economic strucmre, however, now gravitated towards industry; and by , 40 per cent of the Triestine population was employed in industry, only 15 per cent of the population remained employed in commerce, while 11 per cent was employed in the transport and communication sector.
Amongst some of the most important industries in the city were the Stock distilleries Group of Companies, the Dreher Brewery, several chemical plants specialising in the manufacmre of paint, paper mills, shipyards and associated metallurgical industries, as well as two large oil refineries that handled , tonnes of crude oil annually. However, even the presence of these seemingly 'solid' industries had been unable to reverse a negative trend that had been created by the absence of a vigorous and dynamic industrial base and this situation had undoubtedly been aggravated by the effects of the worldwide depression of the s Apih Being capital-intensive, industries such as shipbuilding had come to rely on capital in the form of loans to maintain productivity, and with the onset of the depression the problems faced by these industries were great.
Consequently, these loans were discharged by the newly established IRI Institute of Industrial Reconstruction which had been created by the Mussolini Government to help Italian industry survive the s depression and in retimi IRI was to become a shareholder in these companies. The consequence of these actions was that in Trieste, IRI directly administered all banks and most shipbuilding industries.
Such intervention, although beneficial in the short term, proved to have a detrimental effect on the Triestine economy, for the strong presence of the public sector in the economic fibre of the city initiated the process of stagnation in local wealth and a consequential decline of further entrepreneurial initiative.
In this economic reahty decisions in terms of capital re-investment which were essentially the core of local autonomy and prosperity were less and less likely to be in the hands of the local ruling class Sapehi In the aftermath of World War n, the economic problems faced by Trieste were exacerbated: However, despite the political uncertainty and the economic precariousness that prevailed in all sectors of Triestine society, the city did not immediately experience the full economic impact of the devastation caused by the war.
The Allied Military Government AMG , as a caretaker Government in Trieste, had been essentially interested in maintaining political stability, a stability which focussed on the containment of Communist ideology and influence, and this climate had significant consequences for the economic 'wellbeing' of the area. Consumer goods, medicine and fuel were all made dkectly and widely available by the AMG; and while local industries were undergoing a period of rationalisation thus offering only limited employment oppormnities, the AMG saw the availability of employment as a means of maintaining political stability and provided oppormnities through growth in its administrative sector.
An effort was also made by the AMG to re- vitalise the port of Trieste, and in it guaranteed the extension of international trade agreements for the city. Trieste consequently enjoyed a period of economic prosperity. By the standard of living in the city had improved dramatically and although unemployment rose to 15 per cent, this was also the result of the sudden influx of large numbers of Istrian refugees.
With a population of ,, , Triestines were now employed in local industries, many of which were now enjoying favourable economic circumstances.
The ship building industry which still represented the largest industry in the city and employed approximately 16, people , had, in the three year period from to , for example, built ships for a total of , tonnes and a further 76, had been due for completion in the following months. The building industry was also buoyant as 3, new dwellings were being built in an attempt to curb the housing shortage caused by the war and influx of refugees.
Yet, despite the fact that the area enjoyed a standard of living that was higher than that experienced in the surrounding territories, many basic problems still needed to be addressed.
As a representative of the AMG in Trieste, General Airey, noted in his report to the Security Council, Trieste still possessed an economic strucmre that was 'akin to artificial respiration' Apih Essentially the Triestine economy had become dependent on the AMG; however, while the creation of the Free Territory of Trieste FTT in appeared to be a further obstacle for the economic integration of Trieste into the Italian State, the Italian influence on the Triestine economy was already apparent.
Furthermore, although it was in dhect violation of the Peace Treaty Agreement, Rome continued to dkectly administer all capital in Trieste that had been invested by IRI.
IRI also provided funds for the modernisation of its existing plants and this factor caused some degree of hostility on the Italian front since these actions were viewed in terms of added competition for 'Italian' industry. Decisions made by the Italian State subsequently were not always in the best interest of the Triestine economy. Thus, although generally the funds provided by Italy did generate some re-vitahsation of industry, by , 51 per cent of all those employed were still largely employed in the tertiary sector, and 22 per cent of these remained employed in public administration Apih This was a precarious simation, as the local Press lamented: Le conseguenze per Trieste della seconda guerra mondiale sono state di gravita' cosV eccezionale da nonpotersiparagonare a quelle di alcun altra citta' italiana I'anormale situazione di una prolungata occupazione militare straniera ha creato un grave fenomeno di occupazioni fittizie Zone A was to come once again under the jurisdiction of the Italian state and although this finally brought political stability, the departure from the city of the Allied forces had also meant a loss of nearly 25 million Lira a day in disposable income.
It was thus once again a period for the re-evaluation of the economic role or function of the city. Shipping and the ship building sector were in a state of decline and Lloyd Triestino, which in had possessed ships for a total of , tonnes, now only possessed , toimes. Trade was also once again declining and the traffic of goods that passed through the port of Trieste mostly comprised goods in transit. This factor is clearly demonstrated by the trade figures; for, while in 56 per cent of goods passing through the port were raw material products and 44 per cent were finished products likely to be traded in the city, by the flow of finished products had decreased to 'For Trieste the consequences of the Second World War have been exceptionally disastrous, more so than in any other Italian city These figures exemplified a process which was already visible in and which was to continue well into the s.
By , in fact, only four per cent of goods flowing through the port of Trieste were being traded in the city, a decline of 26 per cent since and 76 per cent since Thus, although in this period Trieste remained the second most important port in Italy in terms of the quantity of goods passing through the port, 80 per cent of the tonnage was in the form of oil which flowed through the city without value being added or without necessitating the establishment of spin-off industries.
Fundamentally, the fact remained that although the Italian Government had provided for an injection of funds and the establishment of new stmctures such as the industrial 'free zone', the city was still economically plagued by the loss of its traditional role Apih The complete organic integration of Trieste into the Italian State took place with the establishment, in , of the Special Autonomous Region of Friuli Venezia Giulia, and the city was subsequently left to cope with the economic solution of a State attempting to re-stmcmre and rationalise industrial activity on a national scale.
The solutions proposed for the Triestine economy had been those akeady plaimed in , and they proved devastating for the ship building sector particularly—as these industries had been largely state owned after the take over by IRI in the s.
The relocation and closure of industries such as the San Marco dock yards was the direct consequence of the implementation of these proposals and the action resulted in large scale and often violent demonstrations against the State that left the economy, as well as the social fibre in the city, in a state of mrmoil.
While the surrounding tertitories began to expand econonkcally, the Triestine economy remained stagnant-limited by factors such as the lack of physical space for economic expansion as weh as competition from Yugoslavian ports such as Fiume and die closure of the Suez Canal Apih Such events helped consolidate the economic characteristics of a depressed area that the city presented in this period.
By culture what is imphed is the essence of a way of life of a people, the development of which is usually conconktant with the historical development of the society itself. In this context Triestine society has not been static, but rather it has been a society where the impetus for development and growth originated from the establishment of a flow of constant migration into the city and in the CI8th this factor was highlighted 'by the variety of races and costumes that could be observed in the city' Apih As previously noted, this phenomenon allowed for the development of a cosmopolitan society whose cultural character was consolidated by the basic influences of Latin, German and Slavic culmre.
The development of an economic strucmre based entirely on commercial enterprise also imposed a strong 'urban logic' in the development of the city and of Triestine society and these factors contributed to the formation of a city that has often been considered as unique amongst Italian cities.
The consequent development of a 'Triestine mentality' in its citizens, both in terms of popular culmre and in terms of the arts, can hence be understood within the framework of a people of diverse ethnic origins forming a 'composite whole' and possessing unequivocally 'particular' and shared cultural characteristics that encompass both language and behaviour.
To define Triestine cultural character and identity one must, as Michel David Un clima violentemente antitetico con inverni nordici ed estati meditteranee un incongruo dipopoli non ben mescolati In relation to this complexity the writer Scipio Slataper lucidly expresses the sentiments involved: Tu sai che io sono slavo, tedesco italiano As noted, ethnic influences had historically played an important role in the formation of the city of Trieste and of Triestine culmre, but it was the predominance of the Triestine dialect amongst all classes, and the sense of a perceived 'Triestine identity', that created unity in the city.
Historically, furthermore, while strong traditions of Italian culmre had been implanted in the area by medieval Venetian settlements-this is especially the case with Istria-Trieste had developed its 'urban consciousness' under the domination of the Austro-Himgarian Empire. This factor not only helped implant 'northern' cultural traditions, but also served to reinforce Triestine identity above all else.
Being the only port of the vast Hapsburg Empire Trieste had developed both economically and demographically, and it was the consequent urban expansion that transformed the city into a cosmopolitan commercial centre that set the in contrast between sea and mountain, an incongruity of different people not well assimilated The rapid process of economic growth that had resulted from the expansion of trade brought about by Trieste's status as 'free port' had made it difficult for the local aristocracy, who had been the custodians of Italian tradition and culture, to integrate into the new, expanding economic stmctures of the city as they had been able to do elsewhere in Italy.
This aristocracy had remained a static entity, economically and geographically confined to the walls of the 'old' Trieste, while a new city known as the 'Borgo Teresiano'-named after Maria Theresa of Austria—developed under the auspice of the Hapsburg Empire.
Directly governed by Vieima, through the mediation of a 'Trade Committee' that functioned as a decentralised office of the Austrian Administration, Trieste hence became the site of vast coinmercial aspirations, and as entrepreneurs from varied national and culmral backgrounds took advantage of favourable trade conditions, a new and powerful 'merchant bourgeoisie' emerged. As the Triestine writer, Leghissa Mancava qui, Varistocrazia del sangue In this expanding society, few bonds remained with the city's medieval origins and consequently not only did Trieste develop as a largely 'middle class' society, but, importantly, one dominated by a powerful and expanding merchant class, a class that, as a result of its multiculmral namre, did not possess a national consciousness.
The cosmopolitan namre of this merchant class is highhghted by the appearance of surnames such as Bosquet, Schell-Grist, Rodriguez de Costa, Freytag, Kohen, Vucetiv and Aposmlopulo amongst the founding members of one of Trieste's major insurance companies, then known as the 'Lloyd Austriaco'. Apih For this somewhat cosmopohtan merchant class. It was they who dominated the economic life of the city, and in part also the 'spiritual' life For this class, consequently, any political ideology took on a narrow perspective, a perspective that had been influenced and indeed formed by local interests that were very often of a general namre.
This class tended to see its role in Triestine society as being an economic and social one, and in this context they perceived Triestine society as possessing its own unique identity Apih It was in essence a society that had become the meeting point of other nationalities and culmres and where a sense of unity had evolved, influenced by the common pursuit of economic goals, the accumulation of capital and a spirit of entrepreneurship.
This active merchant class became a major catalyst in the development of a new Triestine society and overall the demographic and economic development of Trieste had led to a significant transformation in the social strucmre of the city.
Many of the classes that had once been dependent upon the aristocracy became absorbed into the growing urban stmcture. Thus the Slavic peasantry as well as those engaged in fishing become employed as wharf labourers and a new proletariat emerged. The increase in port activities had requhed an increase in the use of manpower for the loading and unloading of ships as well as for work in the warehouses where goods were stored and the Triestine proletariat had initially developed around these activities.
During this period not only had merchants, attracted by the possibility of quick profit, come to Trieste; but among the immigrants were also many artisans and labourers, mostly comprised of Venetians, Friuhans and Slovenes from the surrounding tertitory.