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Mariam Waheed Revolutions and State-building: A Historico-Political perspective on the political outcome of revolutions. Done by: Mariam Waheed. Second graduate conference "Perspectives from History and International Relations ". They are all about transforming political regimes by definition. Revolutions have played a critical role in the course of history.
I chose the Iranian and the Indonesian revolutions as might be similar to the Egyptian case based on the following similarities : Those revolutions took place in muslim- majority society — Those revolutions took place at closer periods of time unlike the western revolutions which were historically earlier — They can be termed eastern revolutions unlike the western great revolutions.
As not all revolutions breed complete change in the structure of societies in a violent way , those revolutions and from them the Egyptian revolution are very different from the " great world revolutions " that took place in the western hemisphere. Huntington distinguishes between western and eastern revolutions. The western revolution is usually directed against a highly traditional regime headed by an absolute monarch or dominated by a land-owning aristocracy.
The revolution typically occurs when this regime encounters severe financial difficulties , when it fails to absorb the educated classes and other urban elites.
In the western revolution , the main struggle is usually between the moderates 6 and the radicals , in the eastern revolution it is between the revolutionaries and the government.
It is these same opportunities and actions which determine the future of revolutions or what they eventually bring about. So the characteristics of revolutions how the revolutionary action was generated , how it was organized and the management of the transitional moments and who will make use of the new political opportunities generated out of the revolution will all affect the outcome of the revolution.
In the coming part , I will shed light on how the characteristics of both the Iranian and Indonesian revolutions affected the outcomes of both revolutions. They announced their refusal to support a regime engaged in massacring its own citizens and pledged instead to support Ayatollah Khomeini.
Khomeini claimed that he would secure all the rights and freedoms but he soon attacked those rights.
As only two months after the revolution , a referendum took place asking people to choose between the old regime and the new one without defining the pillars and the characteristics of the new one.
At that time there were opposition movement in Iran which was mainly leftist led by some communist parties as the Tudeh party and leftist movements as the March 8 movement but those movements couldn't counter the Islamist project offered by Khomeini and that's why it was applied with minor opposition 10 later.
Indonesian revolution : The Indonesian revolution's characteristics : Students and workers ignited the Indonesian revolution.
From the characteristics of the revolution : 1 An Islamic majority as revolutionaries. Suharto's last days, the Indonesian military refused to crack down on protesters and agreed to a lessening of its own political power. Suharto left only after being pressured by their own militaries while handing over power to close confidantes. In Mr. Suharto's case, Vice President B.
Habibie took over power. Until he was removed by the Islamist opposition leader. The outcome of the Indonesian revolution : In Indonesia, although there is a commitment to the process of democratic reform, evidenced by the general election of and the emergence of multiparty competition for political legitimacy, a number of problems remain , there are challenges to achieve a smooth and orderly transition toward democracy in the midst of economic hardship and widespread sectarian violence will be a challenge.
Mass media and NGOs representing plural and independent interests have also come into being. Post-Suharto governments were particularly successful because they co- opted Islamist parties that emerged following the dictator's fall.
Indonesia is said to be one of the most promising exponents of Western-style liberal governance. There are multiple approaches to understand the outcome of revolutions. Cultural factors that lead to not developing a democratic state. In general , regime-specific characteristics of democracies such as inclusion , contestation and guarantee of civil liberties.
For a revolution to achieve its' goals, it takes a very long time. A revolution is not a singular event; it is a multi-faceted process. It is empirically difficult to determine when it ends. Revolutions aim partially at regime change but this is not the end of a revolution; it is rather an essential requirement.
Regime change, in theory, allows a revolution to 13 Ibid , p. Asef Bayat argues that the Egyptian revolution as not yet a revolution but as a " re-folution " in terms of the mixture between a revolutionary struggle and a reformist trajectory. Some observers see the Arab revolts and from them the Egyptian revolution as postmodern revolutions, diffused and leaderless, with no fixed ideology.
Others view them as the next wave of democratic and liberal revolutions. Huntington , Op. Mubarak's regime offered a restricted democracy where there was limited political pluralism and where there was absence of intensive mobilization. The pacted transition can be depicted in terms of political balance and compromise agreements between the military and their civilian opponents. O'Donnell and Schmitter point out that sometimes the military is as strong as the civilian group but some other times the military is in a weaker political power and that's why it relinquishes power without securing mutual guarantees.
And here explicit and implicit negotiations mutual guarantees and agreements in what can be called " pacts ". Here there is a promise of limited democratization. So revolutionaries either Muslims and Christians are religious but they didn't call for a religious state. The Muslim Brothers wanted to apply God's Shari'a and they were a faction of tahrir protesters during the 18 days. Also the rejection of some salafist parties as " Al Nour party " to the Muslim brotherhood policies manifested in some incidents such as Ahmadinejad's visit to Egypt as an introduction to the Shii presence in Egypt.
And on 23 April that Mohamed Fouad Gad Allah , the Salafist advisor for the president on legal affairs resigned as a result on the ongoing debates in the country over the Muslim Brothers attempt to exclude thousands on judges. Also Dr. Younes Makhyoun , leader of the Nour Salafist party said that " we agreed with the Muslim Brothers on a partnership between us whether in the government or the governorates, and they promised us that they will preserve the Islamic Shariia as the basic source for legislation, and they didn't give us anything in the constitutional committee for drafting the constitution, and all their promises flew in the air, and we remained the only ones who demanded applying the Islamic Sharia" 22 In Egypt procedural democracy without concentrating on the essence of democracy that entails respecting the others' opinions , protecting minority rights.
Egypt took the path of " Elections First " then " Constitution second " and with minor international interference , unlike the Libyan case where the interference of NATO besides the Libyan transitional council led to toppling Qaddafi's regime and his death. The latest events on the Egyptian scene suggest that this regime won't endure because of the insistence to brotherhoodize the scene based on the fact that Mohamed Morsy was elected as a president.
This led to lots of confrontations on the Egyptian scene. In these instances, the trajectory would, strictly speaking, be more reformist than revolutionary. So being proud as an Egyptian not necessarily a muslim was what revolutionaries were seeking.
The Egyptian Muslim Brothers are working on dictating what politics should be and that through the interference of religion. From them Olivier Roy in his essay " The transformation of the Arab world " in the July issue of the " Journal of democracy " , when he provided a threefold argument which is skeptic towards what can the Muslim brothers apply in Egypt.
First : The circumstances in which the Brotherhood and other Islamist groups such as the salafists have reached power have put them into a political space formatted by certain constraints. Second : The Islamists are aware that they have changed and at least they understood that the world has changed.
Third : If Islamists don't accept the demands of the democratization process.. They will find themselves sidelined. The constitution in general was full of articles which ignited polarization between the different societal and ultimately clashes at Al- Ittihadeyya palace.
This paper proved that there is no one single theory explaining the outcomes of revolutions as Zimmermann mentioned in his study that there are mainly four generations of theories explaining revolutions mainly their causes , there are a lot of theories aiming to analyze the outcomes of revolutions. Third : when the new and consolidated revolutionary regime leaves its mark with a series of policy outputs.
Fourth: when outcomes are under study. It's too early to judge the Egyptian revolution in terms of outcomes but there are some policy outputs that I mentioned throughout the paper that 28 can help us estimate what the future can be like. From the cases we witnessed either in the western or the Eastern world.
The fruits of the revolution weren't compatible at all with the seeds. Once decisions are made this way, they have immense force. Unlike with the distant machinations of government, all participants feel that they have been consulted. Everyone commits. Participatory democracy should be promoted for every public setting, from our neighborhoods to our cities and counties.
As turkeys will not vote for Thanksgiving, politicians are unlikely to institute such systems. Our political goals must be embodied in everything we do, for this is the most direct way to produce necessary and urgent change.
Despite its perpetual encouragement by over-promising politicians, the habit of asking government to produce the ends we seek is out-of-date. Given the way that Washington and indeed London or Paris works, there is zero chance that any politician, even one with the best intentions, will deliver a just society, where the weakest are properly cared for and where the earth that sustains us is itself sustained.
Personal action is also the most effective means of influencing others. Forget Internet petitions, tweeting, writing to your Congressman or other formats of usually fruitless complaint—what you do will have the most persuasive force in encouraging others to do the same. This is the way to change a complex, highly interconnected system, not top-down management, as network theory and social research are demonstrating.
And throughout, an older maxim carries an eternal message: the means are the ends, as Gandhi taught. If you use violence, you are likely to get violence.
Like his famous Salt March or Salt Satyagraha , the ideal political protest is the one that embodies the change you wish to see. Do it yourself, and nonviolently. Self-organized, nonviolent action by the many, consulting all those affected: some would call these methods anarchism, but if so it is a very gentle kind. In fact, these techniques amount to a politics of modernity, of complexity, a politics most appropriate to our current state.
These methods also inhere in a new economics, for Marx was in this sense correct: the economics makes the politics. You cannot have a fair, cohesive or happy society when a tiny few hold the vast bulk of the wealth and where companies are legally bound to maximize profits over all else, ignoring any un-costed effects to the environment or society.
There are forms of business that in their very design make up a better politics.
Cooperatives share ownership among their staff as well as agency—that sense of control and participation that contemporary society denies us. Such companies can be founded.
They can be competitive. And we can support them by choosing them over more negligent businesses. The ghastly homogenization and banality of consumer culture undermine our experience of life this is perhaps the reason for the weird idol worship of the aberrational design fetishist Steve Jobs. The rabbit-hutch geography of the office combines with the humiliations of corporate culture for bosses as much as the bossed-about to alienate and demoralize everyone concerned.